The Red Flag
The people’s flag is deepest red,
It shrouded oft our martyred dead,
And ere their limbs grew stiff and cold,
Their hearts blood dyed its every fold.
Chorus
Then raise the scarlet standard high.
Within its shade we’ll live and die,
Through cowards flinch and traitors sneer,
We’ll keep the red flag flying here.
Look round, the Frenchman loves its blaze,
The sturdy German chants its praise,
In Moscow’s vaults its hymns are sung
Chicago swells the surging throng.
It waved above our infant might,
When all ahead seemed dark as night;
It witnessed many a deed and vow,
We must not change its colour now.
It well recalls the triumphs past,
It gives the hope of peace at last;
The banner bright, the symbol plain,
Of human right and human gain.
It suits today the weak and base,
Whose minds are fixed on pelf and place
To cringe before the rich man’s frown,
And haul the sacred emblem down.
With heads uncovered swear we all
To bear it onward till we fall;
Come dungeons dark or gallows grim,
This song shall be our parting hymn
THE CAMPAIGN OF DECEPTION
Over the last few months, our political leaders are extremely anxious about the plight of the poor in South Africa. This deep concern about the welfare of the poor must surprise many, but does create hope in the millions of poverty stricken South African workers. The extent and depth of this hope will be the key to the political fortunes of many of our “leaders”. The working class should be forewarned that this deep concern shown by our leaders is deceptive, hollow and self-serving.
It will evaporate as soon as the political objectives of these leaders have been achieved. What are the political objectives of these leaders - to be re-elected to parliament (National, Provincial) in the 2004 elections so that they can continue to enjoy, fat salaries and numerous perks and privileges. Forgotten will be the promises made to the millions of gullible and deprived workers.
The “recognition” of the plights of the poor (unemployment, lack of housing, water, electricity, schools, health services, etc.) and the vague promises made to remedy these maladies [pressing problems], in the absences of any tangible political alternative, create this hope, in the psychology of the working class.
We wish to concretize the life experience of the working class to rebut [prove false] the promises and maneuvering of these shameless leaders.
1. Unemployment: Since 1994 we have been promised that unemployment, which was then 50%, would be reduced; our economy would grow at an annual rate of 6% and the fruits of this growth will translate into a higher standard of living for our people, especially the poor. The year 2003 has witnessed unemployment reaching nearly 60% (+/- 8 million). More than 1 million workers have joined the unemployment queue. The standard of living of the poor has reached crisis proportions while the rich and their hangers on are becoming greedier and wealthier. The growth and development summit organized by NEDLAC was supposed to devise a strategic plan to deal in a comprehensive manner with the question of unemployment. It was supposed to be a joint effort by business, labour and government.
But the capitalists (the captains of industry) were conspicuous by their absence. This act forcefully demonstrates the attitude of our big capitalists to the abject conditions of poverty of more than 60% of the working class. There is a direct relationship between unemployment and poverty. The lack of a social security network (e.g. Basic Income Grant) exacerbates [makes worse] the poverty. Our government could only promise temporary relief to an inadequate number of the deprived in the form of public works programs such as fencing of national roads, clearing of alien vegetation, maintenance of public buildings, planting trees, etc. Our trade union leaders have agreed to these measures of ‘employment’ at unacceptably low rates of pay.
Furthermore the trade union bureaucrats ‘blame’ our capitalist industrialists for preference of capital - intensive investments (investment in machine and technology) as opposed to labour-intensive industry. These ignoramuses do not understand that the capitalists are compelled by laws of capitalist production to continually introduce new technology to maintain their rate of profits. Technology facilitates the super exploitation of the working class. Production for profits will always result in the shredding of more and more jobs.
The ultimate answer to unemployment is not the creation of more labour-intensive industries, but the elimination of the whole system of production for the enrichment of a few; production must be aimed to meet the needs of society and not for profits. The capitalist value system runs contrary to the social needs of the broad masses. Ever increasing high company profits are demanded by the capitalist shareholders and praised by the capitalist economist and capitalist media but lost profits is the net result of super-exploitation of the working class through such means as low wages, extra hours of work, fewer workers employed etc.
If a company does not give sufficient return on investments (does not extract by all possible means, more and more surplus value) it is immediately disfavoured and the investment withdrawn, resulting in restructuring, or in the extreme case closure. The net effect of this are retrenchment, poverty and disintegration for the workers. Morality and values are subordinate to corporate profits, meaning a ‘healthy’ return on investments.
Our government claims that it is deeply concerned about the level and extent of poverty and unemployment in South Africa, but it subscribes in words and deeds to the values of the capitalist class mentioned above, and therefore its claim of concern must be rejected with the contempt it deserves. This is a capitalist government, which protects, entrenches and advances the interest of the capitalist class, not through the government being coerced, but through their own choice and conviction.
Another myth, deliberately pedaled by Bourgeois economists and state officials, is that one of the cause of unemployment is the unavailability of a skilled labour force. The argument goes that economic growth could be accelerated if there were more skilled workers, to meet the demands of commerce and industry.
This increase in growth of the economy would result firstly, in the reduction of the rate of the unemployed, and secondly, in an increase in the standard of living, of a large section of the working class. However the United Nations (UN) study of the South African labour force, has revealed, that the unemployment rate, among workers with tertiary technical education, has trebled to 15% since 1995. Furthermore, the Economist Intelligence Unit (a highly rated newspaper by the Bourgeoisie Intelligentsia) projects a significant rise in the unemployment rate during the next 5 years.
This signifies that for the foreseeable future, the much-lauded growth, of the South African economy, will be a job shedding growth. All the above signifies that there is something, fundamentally structurally wrong, with the South African economy. Giant conglomerates like Anglo American, Rembrandt and Old Mutual etc. are sucking the lifeblood out of this economy and its people. Hundred of billions of Rands are siphoned off and repatriated to overseas investors and shareholders.
No amount of tinkering with this economic structure through black economic empowerment will change the economic fortunes of the aspirant black middle classes, let alone the starving millions of workers. Once again the South African working class must take serious note, that this government is party to all of the above.
The frontier of poverty had been extended with the assistance of this government and the support of all the parties in parliament. The campaign with the demand of ‘work for all’ can be conducted by the trade union federation (COSATU, NACTU, FEDUSA) and the slogan of sliding scale of hours of work to be implemented by the owners of the means of production. Concretely this means that the total hours of work must be divided among the total number of workers, without reducing the pay of those already employed. [All 8 million plus unemployed would immediately be given work] Thus instead of a forty five-hour week the state should compel the employers to adopt a 30 hour week without a reduction in wages.
The capitalist class will resist tooth and nail the introduction of such legislation by producing all kinds of arguments including that of financial ruin (bankruptcy). The question reduces itself, to the financial viability and profitability of capitalist companies and the increasing wealth of the capitalist class and its hangers-on, or the life and death struggle, of tens of millions of impoverished human beings. The gravity of the social crises demands bold and innovative initiatives. If this government and the trade union bureaucrats are at all serious about the plight of the poor, the formula of a sliding scale of hours of work should be immediately implemented.
HOUSING- More than 5 million people are still living in shacks and those ‘fortunate’ who have been given “pondokkies” by our generous government are now being evicted, by our sheriffs and police on the instruction of the financial institutions. It could be said that there are more evictions than new houses constructed. The extra-legal resistance as represented by the anti-eviction campaign (A.E.C) has reduced the wholesale forceful evictions. The capitalist financial institutions are reluctant to venture into this market. The state pleads its inadequacy and begs the capitalist for support and the communities to pay.
The inability to pay due to unemployment and retrenchment caused by these very capitalists is totally ignored. Basic shelter is sacrificed for capitalist profits. The spontaneous development of the Anti-Eviction Campaign as a social movement poses serious challenges, to the capitalist class and the state, about fundamental private property relations in the capitalist system.
The inability to pay, but at the same time retain occupation sends a message to the financial capitalists that basic needs such as shelter, must take precedence over ownership and profit. The fundamental relations of haves and have nots, between capitalist and worker, is altered by the resistance to eviction. The state who is the guardian of private property relations, cannot allow this. Hence its severe actions against the defiant social movement of resistance. However, the state’s degree of force against these social movements is limited. The ANC, a major component of the state apparatus, is entirely dependent for political support on the impoverished (black) workers of the townships.
The emergent Black middle class and lower middle class is still very weak; the ANC has very limited support among the ‘Coloured’ and ‘Indian’ middle classes - and virtually no support among the ’white’ middle class and working classes. Without the support of this impoverished black working class it cannot exist, let alone govern. The question arises; how long will the working class, continue to support the ANC leadership and the ANC government? The South African working class is a highly conscious and highly militant species. Sooner rather than later it will reject and eject this government from power. The government’s marriage to the capitalist class will be its downfall.
The Anti-Eviction Campaign if it is at all serious about fundamentally addressing the housing question, must explain to the working class, that this ANC government irrespective of all its promises can never ever, resolve the housing crisis. It must concretely demonstrate that capitalism in crisis compels this capitalist ANC government, that more and more of the state budget is directed towards the advancement and maintenance of capitalist profits and privileges. An objective analysis of all the budgets presented by this government supports this contention.
The 2003 budget makes grossly inadequate provisions to effectively improve the conditions of life, be it in housing, health-care, education etc. Moreover, in the remote possibility that the state embarks, on a massive housing program, within the present parameters of subsidies and the present level of unemployment, will doom the project to failure.
Evictions will increase, the resistance of the working class will increase, the participation of the capitalist financial institutions will stop, and the crisis will deepen.
The immediate demand of the A.E.C. should be that the state takes over the entire housing project from private financial institutions and private builders. Concretely it means:
1. The state demands from the financial institutions to write –off all arrears owed to them by worker/ homeowners.
2. The state further demands from the financial institutions that all amounts owed to them by the unemployed worker/household be scrapped and the title deed surrendered to the state.
3. The state subsidizes the loan repayments of the employed worker in accordance with the formula of income and affordability.
4. The present formula of housing subsidy to be completely scrapped.
5. The state provides decent housing to all the workers, and charge rental according to the household income; thus for example, if all members of a particular household are unemployed, or the income of a household is below acceptable living standards, accommodation then, should be free.
To the bourgeois economists and politicians these demands would appear outrageous. If billions of Rands can be spent on armaments to protect, not the masses of South Africa; but capitalist and imperialist economic interest, then the demand for decent housing – a fundamental human right is one hundred times more legitimate than protection of the economic interest of the parasitic capitalist.
If the state is genuinely concerned about the plight of the poor it will find the money; it can build the houses and resolve the housing crisis. If it does not; it would not be that the capacity does not exist but because it runs contrary to the interest of its capitalist masters. There is absolutely no need for any body to live without decent shelter.
WATER: The liquid of life has become a commodity. Those who can pay, shall have water, and live. Those who cannot pay are denied access and therefore must die. Such is the stark reality of the outcome of the privatization of this natural resource. Capitalist industry, which is the major consumer of water, is subsidized by the state through the exorbitant prices charged to the household consumer.
The working class in the townships must demand access to free water and that the subsidy to capitalist industry be cancelled forthwith. Moreover those who do not have access to clean water must demand from their civic associations, that the City Council prioritizes the installation of taps in every household in their areas. Instead of money spent on beautifying bourgeois middle class suburbs, the funds should be directed to meet this fundamental human need of fresh clean water.
FOOD INFLATION: Working class households spend more than 60% of their income, on basic food. Food prices in South Africa increase by an average of 20% per annum. The average increase of the wages of the worker is no more than 8%. Concretely this means, that the worker buys less and less food every year.
To remedy this situation the trade union bureaucrats, must create a food price index, which would serve as a guideline in wage negotiations. The wages of the workers must increase as the food prices increase. There cannot be a one-year agreement let alone a three-year agreement on wage packets. Further more the unrestricted price increase and profiteering by food producers and distributors must be investigated. Working class consumer councils, independent of bourgeois influences, must be created to initiate and monitor these investigations.
The demand should be put forward for the expropriation without compensation of the food sector and for it to be placed under workers’ control.
We have described above the life experience of the working class and suggested some methods to bring about improvement. The working class must challenge their political and civic leaders in their areas, to take up these demands on their behalf. The willingness and seriousness of these political and civic leaders to meet these challenges, must determine the support and faith the workers must afford these leaders and the system.
We are prepared to forecast that not a single demand as described above, made by worker committees and organizations, will be considered let alone met. That leaves the working class with only one option, to get rid of these false leaders and the system they represent. It must seize control of its destiny with both hands; it must take political power; it must form a workers’ government; it must destroy the capitalist system; it must develop a society, which caters for human needs. This is not Utopia; this has become an urgent need.
3.Ukhankaso lwenkqatho
Kwezi nyanga zimbalwa zigqithileyo, inkokheli zethu zopolitiko zibenovelwano olumangalisayo ngentlupheko yamahlwempu e Mzantsi Afrika. Oluvelwano lungaka ngetlalakahle yamahlwempu yothusile kwabanye, kodwa yakhe ithemba kwizigidi zabasebenzi bo Mzantsi Afrika abathwaxwa yintlupheko. Ukuba lizakuphelela phi kunye nobunzulu belithemba kuyakuba sisitshixo kubutyebi bezopolitiko kwisininzi “senkokele” zethu. Abasebenzi kufuneka balunyukiswe kwangethuba ukuba olu velwano lungaka lubonakaliswa zinkokeli zethu lolwenqatho, alunyanisekanga yaye luzakunceda zona. Luyakuphelela emoyeni kwakamsinyane kwakuthi nje injongo zazo zopolitiko ezi nkokeli ziphumelele. Zeziphi ezi njongo zopolitiko zezi nkokeli – kukuba ziphinde zonyulwe epalamente (kazwelonke, nakumaphondo) kunyulo luka 2004 ukuze ziqhube nokuxhamla, imivuzo emikhulu, namalungelo asemthethweni. Zibe zilityelwe izithembiso ezenziwe kwizigidi zabasebenzi abaqhathiweyo nabasweleyo. Oku “kuyiqonda” intlupheko yamahlwempu (ukungaphangeli, ukungabinazindlu, amanzi, umbane, izikolo, uncedo ngezempilo, njalo njalo) kunye nezithembiso ezenziweyo ezingekhoyo ukwenzela ukukhusela ezingxaki, ukungabikho kwezinye imbono zolawulo, kwakha elithemba, kwingcingane zabasebenzi. Sifuna ukuyicacisa gca intsokolo yabasebenzi sinyhashe ezizithembiso nokukuphepha-phepha kwezi nkokeli zingenazazela.
1. UKUNGAPHANGELI: Ukusukela ngo 1994 sathenjiswa ukuba ukungaphangeli ngoko okwakuzi pesenti ezingamashumi amahlanu (50%) kuyakwehla; ezomnotho ziyakukhula kangange pesenti ezintandathu (6%) ngonyaka, yaye iziqhamo zolukhulo ziyakutsalelela kwimpilo engcono yabantu bethu, ingakumbi amahlwempu. Umnyaka ka 2003 uze wasibonisa ukunyuka kwentswelo misebenzi ukufikelela kumashumi amathandathu epesenti (60%) (+-8 yezigidi). Ngaphezu kwesigidi sabasebenzi bangenelela umgcelele wabangaphangeliyo. Izinga lokuphila kumahlwempu lifikelele kwingxuba kaxaka ngelilixa izityebi nabakumgangatho ophakathi benyukela ngokunyoluka nokubazizityebi.
Iqonga eliphezulu lempucuko nophuhliso (Growth and Development Summit) ebeliququzelelwe yi NEDLAC bekufanele ukuba liza necebo elililo lokuqubisana kanobom nale meko yentswelo msebenzi. Kwakumele ukuba yindibanisela yosomashishini, abezemisebenzi kunye norhulumente. Kodwa ogxowa-nkulu (injoli kwezomnotho) baqaphelekile ngokungabikho kwabo. Esi senzo sibonisa nyanzelisayo ingcinga zongxowa-nkulu bethu abakhulu kwezi meko ziphantsi zentlupheko yabasebenzi abangaphezu kwamashumi amathandathu epesenti (60%).
Kukho ukuzalana okuthe ngqo phakathi kwentswelo misebenzi nentlupheko. Ukungabikho kwezibonelelo zokhuselo kwintlalo ( Umzekelo, isibonelelo semali) kwandisa le ntlupheko. Urhulumente wethu uthembisa ngoncedo lwethutyana kuphela kweli nani likhulu labasweleyo, ngemisebenzi yoluntu, izinto athetha ngazo ukubiyela indlela eziphuma ngaphandle, ukuncothula izityalo ezingaqhelekanga, ukuvuselela izakhiwo zoluntu, njalo njalo. Inkokheli zethu zemanyano zabasebenzi zizamkele ezindlela “zengqesho” kwimivuzo ephantsi engamkelekanga. Kwakhona ezingcungcu zemanyano zabasebenzi “zityhola” ongxowa-nkulu bethu bemizi- mveliso ngokukhetha ukutyala izimali komatshini nakwizixhobo zanamhlanje endaweni yokutyala imali kwimisebenzi emayenziwe ngabantu.
Ababa swelikuqonda abazi ukuba ongxowa-nkulu banyanzeliswa yimithetho yokuvelisela ubungxowa-nkulu ukuba baqhubeke ngokuvelisa izixhobo zanamhlanje ukugcina inzuzo zabo. Izixhobo zanamhlanje zenzelwe ukuxhaphaza abasebenzi ngokumandla. Inveliso yenzuzo iyakuhlala isisizekabani sokuphela kwemisebenzi. Esona sisombululo kwintswelo misebenzi asikokwakha imisebenzi emininzi eyenziwa ngabantu, kodwa kukuphelisa lendlela yokuvelisa yonke ityebisa abambalwa, imveliso mayenzelwe ukwenezisa imfuno zabantu hayi inzuzo. Indlela yokuvelisa yobugxowa-nkulu ihamba ngokuphambeneyo nemfuno zoluntu lonke.
Inzuzo eziphezulu zenkampani ezinyuka mihla le zibangwa ngongxowa-nkulu abadibeneyo zihalaliselwe ngabezoqoqosho bongxowa-nkulu nabezosasazo bongxowa-nkulu, kodwa inzuzo ziziphumo zoxhatshazo lukhulu lwabasebenzi ngokobungakanani kwemivuzo, iyure zokusebenza ezongeziweyo, abasebenzi abambalwa abaqeshiweyo, njalo njalo. Ukuba inkampani ayingenisi nzuzo yaneleyo kutyalo mali ( ayivelisi nangaziphina indlela enazo, inzuzo ezingaphaya) ngokukhawuleza ayamkeleki yaye uncedo ngezimali lunqunyanyiswe, kukhokelekele ekuphungulweni kwemveliso, okanye xa imeko imasikizi ivalwe. Ezona ziphumo zoku, kukugxothwa emsebenzini, intlupheko, abasebenzi bathi sa. Impilo nesidima sabantu sisengelwa phantsi kwinzuzo zongxowa-nkulu imbuyekezo “ephilileyo” kutyalo mali. Urhulumente wethu uthi unovelwano olukhulu ngezinga nobungakanani bentlupheko nokungaphangeli e Mzantsi Afrika, kodwa uvuma ngomlomo nangezenzo kule meko yobungxowa-nkulu sele ichaziwe ngentla, ngoko ke ibango lakhe lokukhathala malikhatyelwe pha ngokufanelekileyo. Lo rhulumente wongxowa-nkulu, ukhusela, amilisele yaye aphumelelise imfuno zengcungcu zongxowa-nkulu, hayi ngokunyanzeliswa, kodwa ngokuzikhethela nangenkolo.
Enye intsomi, ephembelelwa ngabom ngabezomnotho bongxowa-nkulu nabaseburhulumenteni, yinto yokuba enye yezinto eyenza ukungaphangeli kukungabikho koluntu olufundele imisebenzi. Batsho besithi ukukhula kwezoqoqosho kungakhawuleza ukuba bekukho abasebenzi abaninzi abafundele imisebenzi ukukhawulelana nezorhwebo nemveliso. Oku nyuka kukhulu kwezoqoqosho okokuqala kuzakuba neziphumo, zokuphungula ukungaphangeli, okwesibini, kunyuke izinga lokuphila, kubasebenzi abaninzi. Kusenjalo izifundo jikelele zabasebenzi bo Mzantsi Afrika, ziveze ukuba, izinga lokungaphangeli, kubasebenzi abanemfundo enomsila yezixhobo, kuphinda phindwe kathathu ukufikelela kwi pesenti ezilishumi elinesihlanu (15%) ukususela ngo 1995.
Ngaphezu koko, isebe legqiqi kwezomnotho (iphepha ndaba elibekelwe phezulu zingqiqi zongxowa-nkulu) babonele kude izinga lokukhula kokungaphangeli kule minyaka mihlanu izayo. Lo nto ithethisa ukuthi kwingomso elibonakalayo, olu khulo ludunyiswayo, lwezoqoqosho lo Mzantsi Afrika, luyakuba lukhulo lokungabikho misebenzi. Konke oku kungentla kubonisa ukuba kukho into, engundoqo elwakhiweni engahambi kakuhle, kwezoqoqosho zo Mzantsi Afrika.
Ongxowa-nkulu abakhulu abanje ngo Anglo America, Remrandt no Old Mutual, njalo njalo, bafunxela ngaphandle igazi lobom lwezoqoqosho nakubantu balo. Amakhulu ezigidi zerandi ziyafunxwa yaye zithunyelwe kubatyali nongxowa-nkulu baphesheya. Akukho kuzamazamana kungakanani kolu uhlobo lwezoqoqosho ekuyakuguqula amathamsanqa ezoqoqosho wabamnyama abakumgangatho ophakathi abasaxhinele ukuba ngongxowa-nkulu, ngokonyusa izinga labo lezoqoqosho, ngaphandle nje kwezigidi zabasebenzi abatyiwa yindlala. Kaphinda abasebenzi base Mzantsi Afrika mabathathe ingqwalasela, ukuba lo rhulumente yinxalenye yako konke oku kungentla. Imida yentlupheko yandisiwe ngokuncediswa ngulo rhulumente nayinxaso yemibutho yonke esepalamente. Ukhankaso lobango lo “msebenzi kawonke wonke”lunokwenziwa zimanyano zabasebenzi (COSATU, NACTU, FEDUSA) yaye ikhwelo lokuhla kwe yure zokusebenza zimiliselwe ngabanini bezinto zokusebenza.
Ngokuthe ngqo oku kuthetha ukuthi iyure zonke zomsebenzi mazahlulahlulwe ngenani lonke labasebenzi, ngaphandle kokunciphisa imivuzo yabo sele beqeshiwe. Ngoko endaweni yeyure ezingamashumi amane ngeveki urhulumente kufuneka anyanzelise abaqeshi basebenzise iyure ezingamashumi amathathu ngeveki ngaphandle kohliso mvuzo. Ongxowa-nkulu banga la kuphele xa kunokuphumeleliswa lo mthetho bebeka intetho ngentetho ezibandakanya ukutshona ngokwezimali.
Umbuzo uzinciphisa ngokwawo, ekuphumeleleni ngokwezimali nasekuveliseni inzuzo kwinkampani zongxowa-nkulu nasekwandeni kobutyebi bengcungcu zongxowa-nkulu namahlumelo abo, okanye umzabalazo wokufa nokuphila, wamawaka-waka ezigidi zabantu abahlwempuzekileyo. Imeko emaxongo yokuhlala inyanzelisa awona angqingqwa nanqabileyo amacebo. Ukuba lo rhulumente nengcungcu zemanyano zabasebenzi nene zizimisele ngentlupheko yamahlwempu, eli cebo le yure ezihlileyo zomsebenzi kufuneka zisebenze kwamsinyane.
2. IZINDLU: Ngaphezu kwezigidi ezihlanu zabantu zisahlala ematyotyombeni yaye abo “banethamsanqa” abo banikwe “izindlwana” ngurhulumente wethu onovelwano ngoku bakhutshwa ngaphandle, ngonothimba bethu
namapolisa ngokwemiyalelo yemizi egcina imali. Singatsho ukuthi endaweni yolakhiwo lezindlu ezintsha kwande ukukhutshwa kwabantu ezindlini. Eli dabi limandla lisemthethweni lenziwa luphulo oluchaseneyo nokukhutshwa ezindlini
(Anti Eviction Campaign) luluphungulile ukhutsho zindlini lunyanzeliswayo. Imizi yogcino mali yongxowa-nkulu iyathandabuza ekutyaleni imali kwelishishini.
Urhulumente ucengela ukungafezi umsebenzi wakhe ebongoza inxaso kongxowa-nkulu nakubahlali ukuba bahlawule. Ukungakwazi ukuhlawula ngenxa yokungaphangeli nokugxothwa emisebenzini okwenziwa kwangaba
ngxowa-nkulu kubethwa ngoyaba. Kukhethwa inzuzo zongxowa-nkulu kune phahla phezu kwentloko. Ukukhula okungabhungisanga kophulo elilwa ukukhutshwa ezindlini njengombutho wasekuhlaleni kunika umceli mngeni wenene, kongxowa- nkulu naku rhulumente, malunga nemithetho ekhusela ubunini bezinto zabucala engundoqo kule meko yobugxowa-nkulu. Ukungakwazi ukuhlawula, kwangaxesha-nye uhlale endlini kuthumela umyalezo kongxowa-nkulu bezimali ukuba izinto ezingundoqo ezinjenge phahla phezu kwentloko, kuqala zona ngaphezulu kobunini nenzuzo.
Undoqo ohambiselana nokuba nento nokungabina nto, phakathi komsebenzi nongxowa-nkulu, udityaniswa kukwala ukukhutshwa ezindlini. Urhulumente ungumgcini wobunini bezinto zabucala, akanakuyivumela le nto. Njengokuba udlame lakhe lumandla ngakwimibutho yasekuhlaleni ephikisayo. Kodwa, ifuthe lika rhulumente lodlame kwimibutho yasekuhlaleni alibheke phi. I- ANC njengeninzi eburhulumenteni ikakhulu ixhomekeke kwinxaso yezopolitiko kubasebenzi abamnyama abahlwempuziweyo basekuhlaleni. Abamnyama abakumgangatho ophakathi abasakhulayo nabakosezantsi umgangatho basengamabhetye-bhetye; I-ANC inenxaso engayanga phi kwabakumgangatho ophakathi kwabe”Bala” nakuma “Ndiya”-yaye ayinanxaso konke kwabaphakathi “abamhlophe” nakubasebenzi.
Ngaphandle kwenxaso yabasebenzi abamnyama abangamahlwempu ayinakubakho, hayi kona ukulawula.
Umbuzo uyavela; kobanini abasebenzi, beqhubekeka nokuxhasa inkokheli ze ANC norhulumente we ANC? Abasebenzi base Mzantsi Afrika batyhileke kakhulu yaye bangabantu abanamandla kakhulu. Kungekudala abayikumamkela lo rhulumente yaye bayakumkhupha elulawulweni. Umtshato karhulumente kongxowa-nkulu uyakuba ngunobangela wokubhukuqwa.
Iphulo elilwa ukukhutshwa ezindlini ukuba ngenene liqinisekile malunga nokulungisa ngenene ingxaki yezindlu malucacise kubasebenzi, ukuba lo rhulumente we ANC ngaphandle nje kwezithembiso zakhe, akanakuze tu, ayisombulule ingxaki yezindlu. Malubonakalise ngokuqinileyo ukuba ubungxowa-nkulu busezingxakini bunyanzelisa lo rhulumente we ANC, ukuba lonke ulwabiwo lwezimali zikarhulumente lujoliswe ekubhekiseni phambili nasekugcineni inzuzo nokuxhaphaza kongxowa-nkulu. Ucwaningo lokubonakalayo lalo lonke ulwabiwo
oluziswa ngulo rhulumente luxhasa le ngxoxo. Ulwabiwo lomnyaka ka 2003 lweza namathuba angamahlanga konke konke okuphucula ngenene imeko zokuphila, kungaba sezindlini, kwimfundo ekukhathaleleni impilo, njalo njalo. Ngaphezu koko, ingayinkankulu ukuba urhulumente athathe iphulo, lezindlu jikelele, kule meko kuyiyo yezindlu-mboleko nezinga lokungaphangeli luyakuzisengela phantsi ezombono zingaphumeleli. Ukukhutshwa ezindlini kuyakwanda, umlo wabasebenzi uyakwanda, intatho nxaxheba yemizi egcinisa ngemali yongxowa-nkulu iyakuma, yaye imeko emaxongo yande.
Imfuno ezingxamisekileyo zophulo olulwa ukukhutshwa ezindlini (AEC) mazibe zezi urhulumente athathele kuye lonke ulwakhiwo lezindlu kwimizi yabucala egcina imali nabakhi babucala. Ngokucacileyo kuthetha ukuthi:
1) Urhulumente makanyanzelise imizi egcina imali ukuba icime onke amatyala etyalwa wona ngumsebenzi / umnini ndlu.
2) Urhulumente abheke phambili enyanzelisa imizi egcina imali ukuba yonke imali etyalwa yona ngabasebenzi abangaphangeliyo / umnikazi mzi icinywe yaye ubunini bunikezelwe kurhulumente.
3) Urhulumente ancedise ekubhataleni amatyala abasebenzi abaphangelayo ngokomlinganiselo womvuzo nokufikeleleka.
4) Oluhlobo lukhoyo lokuncedisa ekuthengeni izindlu malucinywe ngokupheleleyo.
5) Urhulumente akhele abasebenzi bonke izindlu ezisemgangathweni, yaye imali yenkonzo ibizwe ngokomlinganiselo womvuzo womnini mzi; umzekelo, ukuba abantu balapho bonke abaphangeli, okanye umvuzo ungaphantsi komlinganiselo wokuphila, indawo yokuhlala ngoko, mayibe simahla.
Abaphicothi bezomnotho bongxowa-nkulu nabezopolitiko ezimfuno zingabonakala zisisithuko. Ukuba izigidi zerandi zingasetyenziswa ezixhobeni ukukhusela, hayi abasebenzi base Mzantsi Afrika; kodwa ongxowa-nkulu nemfuno zomnotho zama imperiyale, ngoko imfuno zezindlu ezisemgangathweni- elona lungelo lobuntu libaluleke kakhulu ngokuphindaphindene kalikhulu, kunokukhusela imfuno zomnotho zongxowa-nkulu abazincukuthu. Ukuba urhulumente unovelwano ngentsokolo yamahlwempu uyakuyifumana imali, unokwakha izindlu ayiphelise le ngxaki yezindlu. Ukuba akakwenzi oko; ayikukuba akanamandla oko kodwa iyakuba uhamba nxamnye nemfuno zabaqeshi bakhe ongxowa-nkulu. Enyanisweni akukho mfuneko yokuba ubani aphile ngaphandle kwendlu esemgangathweni.
3. AMANZI: Umthombo wobom uyathengiswa. Abo banako ukuhlawula,
bayakuwafumana amanzi, baphile. Abo bangakwaziyo ukuhlawula abawafumani, ngoko ke mabafe. Zinjalo izinto neziphumo zokuthengiswa kwendalo kubantu babucala kule mihla. Inkampani zongxowa-nkulu ezizezona zisebenzisa amanzi
kakhulu, urhulumente uyazincedisa ngezimali ngokuhlawulisa inkonzo eziphezulu kubanini bezindlu. Abasebenzi ekuhlaleni mabenze ibango lokufikelela emanzini simahla, yaye uncediso ngezimali kwinkampani zongxowa-nkulu, lupheliswe. Ngaphezulu abo bangafikeleliyo emanzini acocekileyo mabenze ubango kwimibutho yoluntu, yaye umasipala makafakele impompo zamanzi kuqala kwindlu nganye apho bahlala khona. Endaweni yokusebenzisa imali ekuphuculeni indawo zokuhlala zongxowa-nkulu abakumgangatho ophakathi, imali mayisiwe ekulungiseni ezizinto zibalulekileyo kwimfuno zabantu ezingamanzi acocekileyo.
4. AMAXABISO OKUTYA: Abasebenzi ezindlini basebenzisa ipesenti ezingaphezu
kwamashumi amathandathu (60%) yemivuzo yabo, ekutyeni. Amaxabiso okutya e Mzantsi Afrika anyuka kangange pesenti ezingamashumi amabini (20%) ngonyaka. Unyuso lwemivuzo kumsebenzi ophantsi ayikho ngaphezulu kwepesenti ezisibhozo (8%). Cacileyo oku kuthetha ukuthi, umsebenzi uya ethenga ukutya okuncinci qho ngonyaka. Ukuphelisa le meko ingcungcu zemanyano zabasebenzi, mazakhe ixabiso lokutya elinye, ekuzakuthathelwa kulo kwingxoxo zemivuzo. Umvuzo womsebenzi mawunyuke njalo xa ukutya kunyuka. Akunakubakho izivumelwano
zonyaka hayi kona ezeminyaka emithathu kwingxoxo zemivuzo.Ukugqitha lamaxabisa anyuka qho nenzuzo ezifunyanwa ngabavelisi bokutya nabathumeli
maziphandwe. Iqonga labasebenzi abangabathengi, elizimeleyo kwifuthe longxowa-nkulu, malakhiwe liqalise libe liliso loluphando.
Apha ngaphezulu sicacise ubomi obunzima babasebenzi sacebisa namanyathelo anokuthatyathwa ukuguqula esisimo. Abasebenzi mabacele umngeni kwinkokheli
zabo zopolitiko nezokuhlala kwingingqi zabo, zithathele kuzo lamabango ezikhundleni zabasebenzi. Ukunyaniseka nokukwamkela kwezinkokheli zopolitiko nezoluntu ukuhlangabezana nezimfuno, makube yinto abasebenzi abazijonga ngayo ezinkokheli nale meko siphila kuyo ngokuzixhasa nangokuzithemba. Sikulungele ukufunga ukuba nalinye ibango elicacisiweyo ngentla, elenziwe ngabameli babasebenzi nemibutho, eliyakuqwalaselwa hayi kona ukufezeka. Oko kunika abasebenzi ithemba elinye, ukususa ezinkokheli zingenamqolo kunye nalemeko ziyimeleyo. Mabathathe ulawulo lwekamva labo ngezandla zombini; mabathathe amandla ezopolitiko; mabamilisele urhulumente wabasebenzi; mabatshabalalise ubungxowa-nkulu; mabavelise umphakathi okhathalele imfuno zabantu; eli asilophupha; oku kuyimfuneko ekhawulezileyo.
4.Growth and Development Summit
-Another election platform for the ANC/SACP
When the working class went in numbers to vote in 1994, they regarded it as a great experience and an opportunity no one wanted to miss. The huge turnout to the polls and the patience demonstrated by the working class in queues exhibited high hopes they had in the ANC. The ANC promised the working class free education, free water, free electricity, free health services, free houses, land distribution and better jobs for all. The working class was duped by these false promises. The ANC bureaucrats were shouting “Now is the time, vote ANC” slogans. What happened when they were the new capitalist managers? They restructured education to prepare to partially fund it only until Grade 9. The result was that parents had to dig deep in their pockets to give their children education, as is still happening now. The promises did not last and the hopes of the working class disappeared into thin air because it was just a propaganda exercise. After those temporary and unfulfilled promises, the working class experiences worse conditions, suffering and poverty.
With 9½ years of false promises of a ‘better life for all’ the ANC/SACP-COSATU bureaucrats have managed to cut thousands and thousands of jobs from one job summit to another. The Reconstruction and Development Program (RDP) drafted by Cosatu fully supported by the ANC, as its electoral manifesto did not last, likewise the promises of the Growth and Development Summit, GDS, will not last. The capitalists are allowed to continue with more attacks against the working class. Many women and children have turned to scratching for bread in dustbins and are subjected to chilly weather conditions on the street pavement selling second-hand clothes and sweets. The so- called ‘Communist Party’ of South Africa turns a blind eye to the daily suffering, misery and declining living conditions of the working class. But still the SACP leaders like Nzimande are determined to tie the working class to the ANC bureaucrats.
The recent Growth and Development Summit held by the Nedlac partners was another election platform to buy time for the ANC regime. This GDS was another tool for the ANC regime to win the 2004 elections. The COSATU bureaucrats want to divert the attention of the South African working class away from their immediate fights for their demands to focus to the 2004 electioneering machinery.
Instead of the fight being waged against the capitalist state, the Cosatu leaders direct the fight as if it can be solved by the state itself. The fight is being kept by the Cosatu leaders within the capitalist framework.
In the run up to the Summit, the ANC government made it clear that the discussions on Gear-privatisation polices will not be debated, but the COSATU leadership, the likes of Vavi, went ahead to take decisions without the mandate of the workers - doing what he does best, selling the workers to the bosses at the GDS. It was suppose to be a joint meeting between business, labour and government. The big monopolies did not attend the summit as they could see that they will not scoop high profits and the exercise is only a short-term publicity stunt.
This act forcefully demonstrates the attitude of our big capitalists to the abject conditions of poverty of more than 60% of the working class. It comes as no surprise to hear that Vavi has now been nominated by the ANC to be on their list for next year’s elections. Here is reflected the true colours of what we have been saying all along. The wolf and the sheep can never be friends likewise the capitalist and the working class are mortal enemies. The capitalist owns the means of production and are in pursuit of super profits made out of the sweat of the working class, while the working class only owns its labour power.
If you talk about the growth and development, you must look at what polices are in place and be clear of who and what are you going to grow and develop and how? The purpose of the summit was to create jobs for the working class. The year 2003 has with witnessed unemployment reaching nearly 60% (+/- 8 million). Well over 1 million workers have joined the unemployment queue since 1994.
The Nedlac partners agreed to opening projects on Expanded Public Works Programs (EPWPs), that is, the cleaning of schools, fencing of national roads, tree planting, food distribution in schools, clinics and vouchers, etc. Our government could only promise temporary relief to an inadequate number of the deprived in the form of ‘public works’. Can the fencing of national roads, tree planting, etc solve the problem of unemployment? Is this the ‘socialist society’, which the SACP is dreaming of?
Let us take as an example the railways. The workers travel by them, and for this reason they are useful to the workers. But they are not built for the sake of the workers. The capitalist need workers to go to the factories to exploit them. The capitalist needs railways and the state builds them in its interest. Consider the cleaning of towns or urban sanitation or the hospitals.
The capitalist is concerned about illness and epidemics, because sometimes they spread through the town, so they will also suffer. If too many workers are sick, production and profits will be affected. So the state health plans are all about pursuing capitalist interests. The capitalist and their lackeys make reforms and piecemeal changes at the time when their profits or interests are at risk. In other instances these moves are due to the pressures from the working class
Just look at the timing of these projects - by all means it is clear that the ANC/SACP and the COSATU bureaucrats will draw at any straw in preparation for the next year’s election. They know the ANC failed to deliver on its promises. After the 8 months or when the schools, prisons, or roads are built up, the decoy of piecemeal jobs will vanish into thin air and the few workers in these schemes will again be unemployed, again become victims of evictions, water cut- offs and be exposed to suffering and poverty.
Is there any hope for decent permanent jobs for all in this capitalist society? No. Instead the capitalist is using the reserve army of the unemployed as a whip to beat the few who are working, to be as industrious as ants. Now the ANC regime is creating its own black elites of Amabhulu – amnyama, by the so-called Black Empowerment and Employment Equity. This elite will stop at nothing to crush the working class in defence of their gravy train.
Under capitalism there can never be jobs for all, as the ANC regime and all the capitalists of the world want us to believe. The capitalist system has been maintained to benefit only the few while the rest of us must suffer. Everything under this system is produced for profit, that is, for the market. The employed get peanuts, of what they produced, only for recuperation- restoring their energy by food, sometimes clothing and other expenses- while the bosses get away with the massive surplus value extracted from the worker. Capitalist are always alert for new business ventures to make more profits. The bottom line is that the means of production and distribution are in the hands of the capitalist class and it will remain like this for as long as the capitalist system exists.
To correct the situation the working class must stand up and unite their struggles with the aim of seizing all the economic and political power from the capitalist class. Needless to say that having a revolutionary working class leadership is a pre-requisite to lead these struggles to its conclusion. In the present epoch the struggle now has reduced itself to realising this revolutionary working class leadership.
The fight is for an international socialist order where everybody will be equal - A society with no bosses, no classes. Everything will be produced for the needs of all not for the profits of a minority- a planned economy; and the anarchy of production would be a thing of the past. Small concessions cannot and must not be allowed to confuse the fundamental task of emancipation; which could only be achieved through the root and branch destruction of the entire capitalist system.
Down with false promises and treacherous leaders, Down!
Down with imperialism and its lackeys down!
Forward with decent jobs for all at a living wage, forward!
Forward to working class unity forward!
Build the revolutionary working class party now!
Forward to Socialism!
5.The imperialist ‘road map to peace in the Middle East’
The US-imperialist ‘roadmap’ to ‘peace’ in the Middle East is nothing else but a plan to break the resistance, the Intifada, and to impose a puppet regime in a Palestinian bantustan. The Intifada represents the unwillingness of the Palestinian masses to accept the old relations, namely imperialist capitalist control through the brutal Zionist regime. The US roadmap represents an attempt by imperialism to find a new form of control over the Palestinian masses.
Background to the roadmap
The first Intifada [1987-1993] gave rise to negotiations which led to a set of agreements, chief being the Oslo accord, which gave rise to a limited Palestinian state structure being set up in return for ending the resistance. The Oslo agreements never led to fundamental changes in the lives of the Palestinian people: the refugee question and the right of return were not solved; a Palestinian state and an end to Zionist atrocities were not achieved; a real improvement in the socio-economic position of the Palestinians was not achieved. A few Palestinian businesses and elite benefited.
Not surprising, therefore in September 2000, when Sharon visited the Al Aqsa mosque and provoked a response from the Palestinians, in which a number of them were massacred, the second uprising, intifada, started. This time, the number of Zionist casualties were much higher and deep divisions started to appear in the ranks of the Jewish population.
The was an increasing number of Jewish youth who refused to be conscripted for service in the West Bank and Gaza areas; recently 27 Israeli pilots refused to fly missions into the West Bank and Gaza, citing their objection to act against targets where civilians could be killed- this marks a significant split in the Zionist armed forces; there were increasing number of Jews who were voicing opposition to the Zionist aggression against the Palestinians. In other words the possibility of real working class unity against Zionism, Arab nationalism and imperialism was developing.
It is against this background that US imperialism has intervened with its so-called roadmap. Capitalists use any method to divide their mortal opposition, the working class. In this case, imperialism fans the flames of Zionism and Arab nationalism in order to keep the working class in the Middle East divided.
6.The essence of the US ‘roadmap’
The ‘roadmap’ originated from a speech of George Bush on the 24th June 2002. Since then 3 other groups have endorsed this US plan, namely, the UN, the EU and Russia. In other words, the major imperialist groups in the world support the proposal by US imperialism to keep the working class in the Middle East divided, as they will all benefit from this.
The first phase
The first phase was supposed to have been completed by May 2003. The fact that it has yet to be completed is a testimony to the fighting spirit of the Palestinian people.
In this phase the resistance groups are to be disarmed, with a retrained Palestinian security apparatus to be set up. This is to be trained by imperialism and embark on joint ‘security’ operations with Israeli forces. This is part of the process of setting up a capitalist Palestinian state structure. An interim constitution is to be drafted based on capitalist principles [much like the Codesa principles in South Africa]. In essence this is to ensure that imperialist rule continues and that the Palestinian state apparatus plays this class role. A first round of elections is to be held to give legitimacy to a new puppet regime. Irrespective of good intentions of individuals, or groups, whoever participates in the new government will be a participant in the enslavement of the Palestinian people on behalf of imperialism, under the guise of a ‘democratic’ state.
Imperialism will use its influence through funding of Palestinian NGO’s in support of its plans. Arab governments and other agencies are supposed to stop funding of independent groups and will channel funds through the recognised Palestinian authority – a further means of imperialism controlling the process.
Further settlement activity in the West Bank and Gaza are supposed to be frozen, with outposts erected since March 2001 to be dismantled. Areas occupied by the Israeli army since 28th Sept 2000 will be gradually evacuated.
Imperialism, through the so-called quartet, from the US, UN, EU and Russia, will determine if the first phase has made sufficient progress in order to go to the next phase.
The second phase [originally set for June 2003- December 2003]
In this phase the focus is on setting up state structures in terms of a new Constitution based on provisional borders. This capitalist Constitution will be finalised in this phase. The consolidation of powers within the hands of a new Prime minister is part of this phase. This is part of the process of destroying the resistance and incorporating leaders and groups into the capitalist state apparatus of a new Palestinian Bantustan. They hope that resistance movements will transform themselves into capitalist parties. Whatever remnants of resistance there may be, is scheduled to be crushed through joint operations of the Palestinian state and Israeli forces, if not by the Palestinian state forces on their own.
An international conference, hosted by the Quartet will set the scene for how the new Palestinian state will look like. At this stage, Syria and Lebanon officials will be involved. There is a vague offer of “Aid” from imperialism [from their track record this is scheduled to remain a paper promise].
If need be, they will have a second round of elections in terms of a final Constitution. In other words, if imperialism is not completely satisfied with the new Palestinian leadership, another election will take place to try to ‘rectify’ this. Imperialism may send forces to enforce their plans.
A carrot of possible UN membership for the new Palestinian Bantustan will be offered. In other words, all the previous struggles and resolutions on historic Palestine will be scrapped and the official bourgeois view will be in terms of the new Palestinian Bantustan.
Phase 3 [originally set for 2004-2005]
Again progress into this phase depends on the Quartet [imperialism].The new Bantustan structures are consolidated and if there is any remnant of resistance or opposition to it, it will be crushed. A second international conference [originally set for the start of 2004] will be hosted by the imperialist Quartet, to confirm the provisional borders and to set the negotiations process in motion for final borders. Only at this stage is the question of the refugees and Jerusalem to be ‘addressed’. With a more openly pro-imperialist leadership at the head of the Palestinians and the resistance disarmed, the scene will be set for the massive sellout of the Palestinian right of return and of the borders. The map only speaks of the end of the occupation of areas occupied since the 1967 war and not of the land grabs by Zionism since 1947
Reality versus the roadmap
The Zionist regime immediately lodged 14 objections to this plan. All these were agreed to by the US regime. The US roadmap clearly shows that under the current decay of imperialist rule, full bourgeois democracy cannot be granted without the capitalist relations themselves being challenged.
At the same time this shows that the only force that is capable of meeting the democratic aspirations of the Palestinian masses, is the working class in power – the middle class and the bourgeoisie are unable to meet even the most basic of democratic demands, such as the right of return to the original place of residence of all Palestinians. The struggle in Palestine may start with the democratic aspirations of the masses, but it is inextricably linked with the struggle for Socialism.
Against the background of the imperialist roadmap we can now understand more clearly what is happening in Palestine.
It was US imperialism and the Zionist leadership who demanded that the PLO choose Abu Mazen [also known as Mahmoud Abbass] as the prime minister. Even for imperialism, Arafat is not accommodating enough. Abu Mazen was not elected by the people of Palestine and he is known for his strong opposition to the Intifada. Arafat has his support base among a big section of the resistance and cannot openly act against the resistance groups. Thus the demand by imperialism for ‘regime change’.
The building of the apartheid wall around the West Bank, which is taking over huge tracts of Palestinian farmlands, is part of the Zionist land grab to strengthen their position to when ‘negotiating’ the final borders of what is set to be a patchwork of Palestinian land. The main purpose of this strategy is to divide and break the Palestinian resistance.
This brings us to the question of the solving of the Palestinian question: Imperialism benefits out of the division among the working classes of the Middle East. The solution is a Socialist federation of workers’ states in the Middle East. The Jewish working class, the Palestinian, the Arab working classes are all exploited by the same common enemy – imperialism. On the land of historic Palestine, there should be a united Arab-Jewish workers’ state.
The exact formulation of which can only be determined by a revolutionary council comprising organizations from the Arab, and Jewish working classes. Besides our previous articles on the Palestinian question we refer the readers to the work of Jews for Justice in the Middle East. [The origin of the Palestine-Israel conflict] This is also found on their website www.cactus48.com . In this work they expose the myth that Jews have any exclusive historical claim to Israel. They also show that all the refugees can be resettled on their original land, be it on the West bank, Gaza, or what is today Israel. Although we differ in conclusions, their exposure lifts the lid on many myths on Israel.
The Arab nationalist resistance forces are unwittingly driving the Jewish working classes into the arms of Zionist reaction, through an indiscriminate policy of suicide bombings that also target civilians. This plays into the hands of imperialism and suits the Arab and Palestinian nationalist leadership who want to bargain away the rights of the Palestinians in return for a few pieces of silver.
The suicide bombers are used as a pressure mechanism for the elite among the Palestinians to strengthen their bargaining position at the negotiating table. Any military campaign should be directed at the repressive forces of the Israeli state but should be part of a multi-faceted fight against Zionism and imperialism. There should be a revolutionary programme that starts with the democratic aspirations of the Palestinian masses and the Jewish masses, that includes transitional demands and that shows that the struggle for Socialism is inextricably tied up with these.
There should be propaganda made among the Jewish workers, including those in the armed forces, that their destiny lies in uniting with the Palestinian people. This will sharpen the current dissatisfaction among the Jewish working class and start to lay the basis for united resistance to imperialism and their Zionist henchmen. Already the Israeli state is cutting back on social services and it will be foolhardy to abandon this anti-state sentiment to isolation. The Jewish working class and the Palestinian people have a common interest in opposing the repressive Israeli state – as difficult as this task is.
Down with the US roadmap for the Middle East!
Forward to Arab-Jewish working class unity!
Unite with the Jewish working class to strengthen the Intifada against imperialism and the Zionist state!
Forward to a united Arab-Jewish workers’ state on the land of historic Palestine!
Forward to the building of revolutionary working class parties in all parts of the Middle East as part of the rebuilding of the Fourth International!
Forward to a Socialist Federation of workers states in the Middle East!
I ‘mephu yendlela kuxolo ku Mbindi Ntshona’
yama imperiyale
I ‘imephu yendlela’ ku ‘xolo’ ku Mbindi Ntshona yama imperiyale ase Melika ayiyonto ingenye kodwa ilicebo lokuphula uqhankqalazo, nemilo engapheliyo (intifada), nokunyanzelisa urhulumente ozakuvuma konke kuzimele geqe wama Palestina. Oluphakamo lubonakalisa ukungafuni kwabantu base Palestina ukuhambisana nolawulo lwangaphambili, olulolu, ulawulo longxowa-nkulu nama imperiyale ngorhulumente wabaxhasi bakazimele geqe wama Juda kwa Sirayeli (Zionist) abakhohlakeleyo. Le mephu yendlela ye Melika ibonakalisa inzame zama imperiyale zokufumana indlela entsha yolawulo kubantu base Palestina.
Unobangela wale mephu yendlela
Uphakamo lokuqala luka [1987-1993] laphakamisa uthethathethwano olwakhokelela kwizivumelwano ezithile, intloko izezase Olso, ezaphakamisa ukuba kumiliselwe urhulumente wama Palestina imbuyekezo ibekukuphelisa uqhankqalazo. Izivumelwano zase Oslo zange zikhokelele kwinguqu zokwenene kubomi babantu base Palestina; ingxaki yembacu namalungelo okubuyela zange asombululwe; urhulumente wama Palestina nokuphelisa ubugebengu babaxhasi baka zimele geqe bama Juda kwa Sirayeli (Zionist) zange buphumelele. Osomashishini abambalwa base Palestina nengcungcu baxhamla.
Akothusi, ke ngoko ku September 2000, xeshikweni u Sheron watyelela itempile yase Al Aqsa waxhokonxa impendulo ebantwini, apho abantu abaninzi base Palestina batshatyalaliswa, uphakamo lwesibini, i- intifada, zaqalisa. Kweli ithuba, inani lamaxhoba abaxhasi bakazimele geqe bama Juda kwa Sirayeli lalilikhulu yaye amaqela amaninzi ohlukeneyo aqala abonakala phakathi kwama Juda. Kwabakho inani elandayo lolutsha lama Juda elalisala ukubhaliselwa ubujoni ngenkani kwingingqi zase West Bank nase Gaza; akudala amashumi amabini anesixhenxe abaqhubi benqwelo moya zamajoni akwa Sirayeli alile ukuhlasela emoyeni e West Bank nase Gaza, bechaza unobangela wokwala ukuqhushumbisa apho abantu abamsulwa banokubulalwa- oku kubonakalisa iyantlukwano enkulu kwimikhosi yohlaselo yabaxhasi bakazimele geqe bama Juda kwa Sirayeli; kwabakho inani elandayo lama Juda elalivakalisa ukungahambisani nohlukumezo lwama Palestina ngabaxhasi bakazimele geqe bama Juda kwa Sirayeli. Ngamanye amagama ithemba lomanyano olululo lwabasebenzi olulwa abaxhasi bakazimele geqe bama Juda kwa Sirayeli, ubu nashinali bama Arab nobu imperiyale lalikhula.
Kungenxa yale mbali ukuze ama imperiyali ase Melika angenelele ngento ayibiza i mephu yendlela. Ongxowa-nkulu basebenzisa naziphina indlela ukwahlula-hlula abachasi babo bokufa nokuphila, abasebenzi. Kwesi isihlandlo, ama imperiyale aphembelela umlilo wabaxhasi bakazimele geqe bama Juda kwa Sirayeli nobu nashinali bama Arab ukwenzela ukugcina abasebenzi ku Mbindi Ntshona bohlukahlukene.
Okubalulekileyo ngale ‘mephu yendlela’ ye Melika
I ‘mephu yendlela’ isusela kwintetho ka George Bush ngomhla we 24th Juni 2002. Ukususela ngoko amaqela amathathu angamanye alamkela elicebo le Melika, angala, ama Mazwe amaNyeneyo, i Manyano yase Yurophu ne Rashiya. Ngamanye amagama, awona maqela makhulu ehlabathini ama imperiyale ayasixhasa esisindululo sama imperiyale ase Melika ukugcina abasebenzi ku Mbindi Ntshona bohluka-hlukene, njengokuba bonke bezakuxhamla koku.
Isigaba sokuqala
Isigaba sokuqala bekumele ukuba sigqityiwe ngomhla ka Meyi 2003. Into ebonakalisa ukuba siseza kugqityezelwa bubungqina kumandla okulwa abantu base Palestina.
Kwesi isigaba amaqela aphikisayo azakupheliswa amandla, yimikhosi yase Palestina ezakumiliselwa efumene uqeqesho elongeziweyo. Izakuqeqeshwa ngama imperiyale yaye idibane nemikhosi yakwa Sirayeli kwinzame “zokhuselo” Le yenye yendlela yokumilisela urhulumente wama Palestina wobungxowa-nkulu. Umgaqo siseko wethutyana uzakuqulunqwa phantsi kwemiqathango yobungxowa-nkulu [kanye nje ngemiqathango ye Codesa e Mzantsi Afrika]. Okubalulekileyo oku kukuqinisekisa ukuba ulawulo lwama imperiyale luyaqhubeka yaye uburhulumente base Palestina budlale le ndima. Umjikelo wokuqala wolonyulo uzakubanjwa ukunika ilungelo kulo rhulumente mtsha uzakuvuma yonke into. Ngaphandle kwenjongo ezintle zabathile, okanye amaqela, athatha inxaxheba kulo rhulumente mtsha ayakukwenza oko encedisa ekukhobozeni abantu base Palestina egameni lama imperiyale, besithela ngorhulumente we ‘demokrasi’.
Ubu imperiyale buzakusebenzisa ifuthe labo ngokunceda ngezimali imibutho engekho phantsi korhulumente yase Palestina ukuxhasa injongo zabo. Orhulumente bama Arab nabanye abatyali zimali kufunwa ukuba bame ngokuxhasa ngezi mali amaqela azimeleyo izimali zithunyelwe ngokusebenzisa abasemthethweni base Palestina-enye indlela yama imperiyale yokwandisa ulawulo lwale nkqubo.
Ukuqhubeka nokuhlala e West Bank nase Gaza kufuneka ukuba kumiswe, imbacu ebezakhiwe ukususela ngo Matshi 2001 zidilizwe. Ingingqi amajoni akwa Sirayeli abehlala kuzo ukususela ngomhla ka 28 Septemba 2000 ziyakushiywa kancinci-kancinci.
Ubu imperiyale, ngokusebenzisa into abayibiza ikwatet, evela e Melika, Brithane, UN, EU nase Rashiya, buyakuqwalasela ukuba isigaba sokuqala sibenenkqubela eyaneleyo na ukwenzela ukuba kuqhutyekwe nesigaba esilandelayo.
Isigaba sesibini [kuqala besimiselwe u Juni 2003-Disemba 2003]
Kwesi isigaba kujoliswe ekumiliseleni amasebe karhulumente ngokwendlela yomgaqo siseko omtsha ngokubhekisele kwimida yethutyana. Lo mgaqo-siseko wongxowa-nkulu uzakugqityezelwa kwesi isigaba. Ukunikezelwa kolawulo ezandleni zo Mphathiswa omtsha yenye indima yesisigaba. Le yenye yendlela yokutshabalalisa abaphikisayo nokufaka inkokheli namaqela kumasebe karhulumente omtsha wobungxowa-nkulu kazimele geqe wama Palestina. Banethemba lokuba imibutho ephikisayo iyakuziguqula ngokwayo ibe yimibutho yongxowa-nkulu. Naluphina uqhankqalazo oluyakuthi lusalele, lubekelwe ukucunyuzwa ngentsebenziswano ebambaneyo yemikhosi ka Sirayeli norhululmente wase Palestina, kungenjalo yimikhosi yase Palestina ngokwayo.
Ingqungquthela yehlabathi, ebizwe yi Kwatet iyakwenza amalungiselelo okuba uzakuba loluphi uhlobo urhulumente wama Palestina. Kwesi isihlandlo, abameli baseburhulumenteni base Siriya nase Libanon bazakuthatha inxaxheba. Kukho unikezelo lobuxoki “loncedo” elisuka kuma imperiyale [ngokwe mbali yabo oku kuzakuphelela ekubeni sisithembiso esisemaphepheni].
Ukuba kuyimfuneko, bazakuba nomjikelo wesibini wolonyulo ngoko mgaqo-siseko ogqityiweyo. Ngamanye amagama, ukuba ama imperiyale akanezisekanga ngokupheleleyo ngezi nkokheli zintsha zama Palestina, olunye ulonyulo luyakuqhubeka ukuzama uku ‘lungisa’ oku. Ama imperiyale angathumela imikhosi ukunyanzelisa iminqweno yawo.
Umqathi wokuba lilungu lo mbutho we Zizwe ezi Manyeneyo lalozimele geqe wama Palestina uyakujingiswa. Ngamanye amagama, yonke imizabalazo egqithileyo nezivumelwano zembali ye Palestina iyakucinywa yaye imbonakalo ngokwasemthethweni kongxowa-nkulu iyakuba yeyalozimele geqe mtsha wama Palestina.
Isigaba 3 [kuqala sasisekelwe u 2004-2005]
Kwakhona inqubela kwesisigaba ixhomekeke kwi Kwatet [ama imperiyale]. Amasebe kazimele geqe amatsha amiliselwe yaye ukuba kukho nayiphina intsalela ephikisayo okanye elwa nawo, iyakucunyuzwa. Ingqungquthela yesibini yehlabathi [kuqala ibibekelwe ukuqala kuka 2004] iyakuhlalelwa yi Kwatet yama imperiyale, ukuqinisekisa imida yethutyana nokubeka amalungiselelo engxoxo zemida yokugqibela ekhondweni. Kukwesi sigaba kuphela umbuzo wembacu ne Jerusalem “uzakulungiswa”. Ngenkokheli ezihambisana nama imperiyale ngokuphandle ezikhokele ama Palestina kunye nabalwi bephulwe amandla, iqonga livulelekile nakubanina lokuthengisa ngamalungelo okubuyela kwama Palestina nawe mida. Imephu ibonisa ukuphela kokuhlalwa kwengingqi ezazihlalwa ukususela ngemfazwe ka 1967 hayi urhwaphilizo lomhlaba ngabaxhasi bozimele geqe bama Juda kwa Sirayeli ukususela ngo 1947.
Imeko ekuyiyo kunye ne mephu yendlela
Urhulumente wabaxhasi bakazimele geqe wama Juda kwa Sirayeli kamsinyane wafaka ukungahambisani nezi mbono. Zonke ezi zazivunywe ngurhulumente wase Melika. Imephu yendlela ye Melika ibonisa ngokucacileyo ukuba kule meko sikuyo yokuphelelwa kolawulo lobu imperiyale, idemokrasi yobungxowa-nkulu egcweleyo ayinakubakho ngaphandle kokuhlukumeza yona le meko yobungxowa-nkulu. Kwangaxeshanye le nto ibonisa ukuba awona mandla anako ukufezekisa iminqweno yabantu base Palestina ye demokrasi, ngabasebenzi beselulawulweni-abaphakathi nongxowa-nkulu abakwazi ukufezekisa nawona wokuqala amabango e demokrasi, anjengelungelo lokubuyela kwindawo yokuqala yokuhlala yabo bonke abemi base Palestina. Umzabalazo e Palestina ungaqala ngeminqweno ye demokrasi yabahlali, kodwa ingenzimanga ukunxulumaniswa nomzabalazo wobu Soshali.
Ngokuthelekisa nokusiphathelwe yi mephu yendlela yama imperiyale ngoku singaqonda cacileyo ukuba kuqhubeka ntoni e Palestina.
Ibi zinkokheli zama imperiyale ase Melika nezabaxhasi bozimele geqe bama Juda kwa Sirayeli ababanga ukuba i PLO ikhethe u Abu Mazen [owaziwa nje ngo Mahmoud Abbass] nje ngo Mphathiswa. Kwanama imperiyale, u Arafat akawanezisi kuphelele. U Abu Mazen zange anyulwe ngabantu base Palestina yaye waziwa ngokungahambisani kwaphela ne intifada. U Arafat unenxaso evisayo kwiqela eliphikisayo yaye akanakwenza nantonina esidlangalaleni enxamnye nalamaqela. Yilo nto ama imperiyale anyanzelisa “ukutshintshwa korhulumente”.
Ukwakhiwa kwedonga lo calucalulo jikelele i West Bank, elo lixathule kanobom imihlaba yabalimi base Palestina, yinxalenye yorhwaphilizo lomhlaba labaxhasi bakazimele geqe bama Juda kwa Sirayeli ukuqinisa ibango labo xa “bexoxa” imida yokugqibela ebekelwe ukuba ibengumhlatyana wama Palestina. Ezona njongo zalamacebo kukwahlula nokuqhawula uqhankqalazo.
Oku kusizisa kumbuzo wokusombulula ingxaki yase Palestina: Ama imperiyale ayaxhamla kule yantlukwano yabasebenzi abaku Mbindi Ntshona. Isisombululo yindibanisela yama Soshiyali yorhulumente babasebenzi abaku Mbindi Ntshona. Abasebenzi abangama Juda, ama Palestina, abasebenzi bama Arab bonke baxhatshazwa lutshaba olunye-ubu imperiyale. Kumhlaba ngokwembali oyi Palestina, makubekho urhulumente wabasebenzi wama Arab nama Juda. Oyena unguye oyakumiliselwa ngabameli botshintsho abaquka imibutho yabasebenzi bama Arab nama Juda. Ngaphandle kwesihloko sethu malunga nale ngxaki yase Palestina silandisa abalesi kumsebenzi wama Juda amele ubulungisa ku Mbindi Ntshona. [Isiqalo salomlo wama Palestina nama Sirayeli]. Oku kuyafumaneka kwi website yabo (www.cactus48.com) Kulo msebenzi batyhila intsomi yokuba ama Juda ngokwembali anebango kwa Sirayeli. Bayabonisa nokuthi zonke imbacu zingabuyiselwa emhlabeni wazo, ingaba kuse West Bank, e Gaza, okanye ku Sirayeli wanamhlanje. Njengoko sisohluka ekugqibeleni, abakuvezayo kunqika isiciko kwintsomi ezininzi ngo Sirayeli.
Abaphikisi abangama nashinali bama Arab baqhubela abasebenzi bama Juda hayi ngabomi ezandleni zabaxhasi bakazimele geqe bama Juda kwa Sirayeli, ekungaqiqini ngokusebenzisa iziqhushumbisi eziqwini ezichaphazela nabamsulwa. Oku kukudlala ezandleni zama imperiyale yaye kukholelekile kwinkokheli zobu nashinali zama Arab nama Palestina ezifuna ukuthengisa ngamalungelo abantu base Palestina ze zibuyekezwe ngenkozo zesilva ezimbalwa. Ingcungcu zama Palestina zisebenzisa aba bazibulala ngeziqhushumbisi njengesinyanzeli ukuqinisa icala labo ezingxoxweni. Naluphina uphulo lohlaselo malujoliswe kwimikhosi yengcinezelo karhulumente wakwa Sirayeli kodwa lubeyinxalenye yendlela-ngendlela zokulwa nabaxhasi bakazimele geqe bama Juda kwa Sirayeli nama imperiyale. Makubekho izicwangciso zotshintsho eziqala ngeminqweno ye demokrasi yabantu base Palestina nabangama Juda, eziquka amabango otshintsho yaye ezibonisa ukuba umzabalazo wobu Soshali awukholula ubambene noku. Makubekho ufundiso olwenziwayo phakathi kubasebenzi bama Juda, kunye nakwabo basemikhosini, ukuba ikamva lawo lixhomekeke ekumanyaneni nabantu base Palestina. Oku kuzakuqaqambisa leyantlukwano ikhoyo phakathi kwabasebenzi bama Juda kuqaliswe kondlalwe iziseko zomlo omanyeneyo ojoliswe kuma imperiyale nabalandeli babo abangabaxhasi bakazimele geqe wama Juda kwa Sirayeli. Urhulumente wakwa Sirayeli kwangoku sele ephelisa uncedo lwakhe kwinkonzo zoluntu yaye iyakuba bubuxelegu ukuyeka elifuthe lingahambisaniyo norhulumente lilambatha. Abasebenzi bama Juda nabantu base Palestina banebango elinye ekuphikiseni lo rhulumente wengcinezelo wakwa Sirayeli- unzima unjalo lo msebenzi.
Phantsi nge mephu yendlela ye Melika eyenzelwe u Mbindi Ntshona!
Phambili ngomanyano lwabasebenzi bama Arab nama Juda!
Manyana nabasebenzi bama Juda ukuqinisa umlo wobu imperiyale norhulumente wabaxhasi bakazimele geqe wama Juda kwa Sirayeli (Zionist)!
Phambili ngomanyano lorhulumente wabasebenzi wama Arab nama Juda kumhlaba ngokwembali i Palestina!
Phambili ngokwakha imibutho yabasebenzi yotshintsho kwingingqi zonke zo Mbindi Ntshona ukwakha kwakhona i Fourth International!
Phambili ku Bumbano lobu Soshiyali lorhulumente babasebenzi ku Mbindi Ntshona!
