working class has nothing to lose but the life long chains of capitalist
exploitation. The political aim of the social movement is to bring
these structural changes within the capitalist system, not to abolish
the private ownership of the means of production, which would put
the ownership into the hands of society as a whole. There must be
a concrete program put in place to realise the fundamental social
change i.e. overthrow the capitalist system.
Social movements who only ask for reforms can be
hijacked and be used by the capitalist. In the absence of a revolutionary
programme the Social Movements could play a counter-revolutionary
role by directing struggles to stay within the capitalist framework.
Now there is a looming war on certain NGOs and on
Social Movements where imperialism wants to buy the silence and
complicity of mainstream humanitarian and religious groups by offering
aid packages. The present case is the Churches, Media and TAC, etc.
At the same time this war is to marginalize and criminalize more
independent- minded NGOs and Social Movements by claiming that their
work is a threat to democracy. The man in charge of handing out
the carrots is Thabo Mbeki and Mluleki George is wielding the sticks,
which in this case, is the Anti-Terrorism Bill. In reality they
are all wielding the sticks.
In the early 1980’s when spontaneous mass struggles
were developing against the state and imperialism, there was a flood
of funding into the country. This was to steer the direction of
the struggles to remain within the capitalist framework. This was
done by boosting organizations like the UDF [United Democratic Front],
which could then impose ANC politics onto the workers’ movement.
Other movements were made dependent on funding so that at the critical
moment funding could be cut and their operations cut down. The flood
of funding led to a ‘dependency syndrome’ in the working
class – if there was a struggle – instead of depending
on our own strength, the working class leaders sought foreign funding.
This took the destiny of our struggle out of the hands of the working
The social movements can be united on an independent
basis raising issues of revolutionary changes and also they can
be united on principles but have one program, to fight imperialism-capitalism
in all fronts. The social movements must unite with the workers
in COSATU with the aim of achieving fundamental social change and
side by side with this; build the revolutionary working class party.
If the leaders of these Social Movement rejects the idea of a revolutionary
working class party saying you do not need a class organisation
for fundamental social change, as the capitalist are saying, then
they do not want a change at all, only to waste the peoples already
finished energy by toy toying. There is no such thing as Anti capitalism
and Anti socialism at the same time, which means ‘ the aim
is nothing but the movement is every thing. This means the struggle
remains within the framework of the current dominant order, ie capitalism.
McKinley and others want the Social Movements Indaba
to be completely open, i.e. to mean all things to all people, i.e.
to have no clear program against capitalism. Wittingly or unwittingly
this limits the program to keeping the struggle within the capitalist
framework. The SMI will then play a counter-revolutionary role,
capturing the mass discontent with the ANC, SACP - COSATU and leading
it in a reformist direction. There may even be an MDC-like / or
mass workers party formation arising out of this. The question then
arises: Is there the hand of imperialism operating behind the scene
to promote the SMI? Suddenly there is R90 000 available for the
SMI Conference in Cape Town – October.
Is this aco-incidence? We need to draw the lessons
of the MDC in Zimbabwe and the UDF in South Africa, which also started
off from within the discontented masses. [See our article on
Zimbabwe for more on the MDC]
There is a need for a working class resistance organisation.
That these struggles need to be united and strengthened is obvious.
Not to smother the anti-capitalist movement, nor to direct it onto
a parliamentary road. But side by side with this we need to build
a revolutionary working class party precisely to lead the struggles
beyond the reformist limits of the APF, AEC, etc
[Social Movements Indaba]
–Ingozi echwechwela abasebenzi!
Urhulumente we ANC nobumbano lwakhe basuke babazintshatsheli
ezinkulu e Afrika ekubeni ngabachasi, baphume ekuhleni bathatha
indima yokuba ‘lipolisa’ lehlabathi longxowa-nkulu e
Afrika. Urhulumente we ANC ugqwesile yaye wakhokela ekusekeni imibutho
nemithetho echaseneyo notshintsho yongxowa-nkulu behlabathi e Afrika,
njenge MANYANO ye AFRIKA (AU) ne NEPAD[New Partnership for Africa’s
Development]. Uthathe ’umsebenzi’ wokukrwitsha abasebenzi
base Mzantsi Afrika ngo gqada- mbekweni benkokheli zemibutho yabasebenzi
ngokuzithembisa amarhewu aluhlaza, singabalula izihlalo e Parlamente.
Injongo kukunyanzela yaye amilisele Imithetho (programs) yongxowa-nkulu
behlabathi kubasebenzi base Mzantsi Afrika nakwi Afrika iphela,
leyo ibaxhaphazayo, ibalambise bade bafe yaye ibatyale endlaleni.
Abasebenzi abasemibuthweni bapheleliswa umdla zinkokheli ezingenamqolo
eziku COSATU nalento bayibiza ukuthi ngu ‘Mbutho wama Komanisi’ase
Mzantsi Afrika ngokungalwi ngokuzimisela kuhlaselo lwabaqashi nangurhulumente
wongxowa-nkulu we ANC.
Ukuba u COSATU uzingca ngokuba ngumkhuseli wamalungu
akhe emsebenzini [ukuba uyenza kangakanani lonto ishiya umbuzo]
ngoko ke ikwangamalungu akhe la akhutshwa ezindlini yimizi egcina
imali, acinyelwa imibane yonke imihla ngenxa yokungafikeleli yaye
angenamhlaba kuba wonke umhlaba usezandleni zabantu babucala yaye
angasebenziyo ngenxa yokuthengiswa kwamashishini karhulumente kubantu
Kwi Demokrasi yengcungcu ongxowa-nkulu baqinisa ulawulo
lwabasebenzi ngenkokheli ezingenamqolo ezikwimibutho yabasebenzi
nangale mibutho yezokuhlala ingenamqolo. Emva konyulo luka 1994
urhulumente we ANC ukwazile ukuphelisa umdla abasebenzi kwezopolitiko
ngakumbi ulutsha lwabasebenzi esithi ‘inkululeko’ ifunyenwe.
Basebenzise inkokheli zika COSATU kunye ne Khomishini Yolutsha ukubamba
ulutsha lwabasebenzi nolukumgangatho ophakathi luselulawulweni.
Ngoku kwingcungcu zika COSATU umqolo uphandle kuzo emehlweni abasebenzi.
Kucace gca ngoku ukuba leliphi icala abakulo, ukuthi, ngoku bathetha
ulwimi lwabaqashi. Indima yokukhokela ka COSATU ekulawuleni abasebenzi
yehle ngokumandla. Njengokuba zisiba sekuhleni ngakumbi kwindima
yokuba kwicala longxowa-nkulu inkokheli zika COSATU, ngokuxhasa
i ANC, kwakhokelela ngokungabhungisanga ekuphakameni kwemibutho
yezokuhlala enjenge Anti-Privatisation Forum (APF), Anti-Eviction
Campaign (AEC), Anti-War Coalition (AWC), TAC, Landless Peoples
Movement (LPM), njalo njalo. Oku kubonisa ukuba ukukhokela imizabalazo
yabasebenzi kuyaphuncukana nezandla zabo. Imeko yemibutho yabasebenzi
ibonisa ukungabikho kwenkokheli zotshintsho.
Kodwa le mibutho yezokuhlala ngamaqela nje afunzelisayo
kurhulumente efuna nje kuphela inguqulelo, inguqu zethutyana okanye
izivumelwano kwizinto ezithile hayi utshintsho olululo ekuhlaleni.
Akukho apho kucacisiweyo khona gca ukuba imizamo yayo yeyotshintsho
olululo ekuhlaleni jikelele. Ukubiza ingxoxo, masithi, uthengiso
lwamashishini karhulumente kubantu babucala okanye ukhutsho lwabantu
ezindlini, njalo njalo, lunqunyanyiswe, kuzakuqhubeka ntoni kule
mibutho yezokuhlala? Izakutshintsha amagama ayo? Eyona mpendulo
ingenakubalekwa yeyokuba izakubhanga. Njengoko injongo ezibekiweyo
lisebe lika rhulumente leze Misebenzi Yasekuhlaleni (Public Works)
zibonakala zahlukile, iziphumo ezigcweleyo nazo kukugcina umsindo
wabasebenzi kwalapho kubungxowa-nkulu.
Bakwenza oku ngokuvula i project zenyanga ezimbini-ntathu
besithi bavula imisebenzi. Ngoko emva kwelo xesha abantu baphindele
ezitalatweni, bajongane kwanalandlala nokungaphangeli. Phofu ukungaphangeli
kuzalwa ngaxeshanye nobungxowa-nkulu yaye abunakupheliswa zinguqulelo.
Abo bakhutshwa ezindlini ayingaba bahlala e Bishops Court okanye
e Sandton kodwa ngabasebenzi abaphulukane nemisebenzi yabo, ngabantu
bethu abadala, abafumana imali encinci yendodla ngamanye amaxesha
kurhulumente we ANC, nolutsha oluphume ezikolweni alafumana misebenzi.
Abasebenzi abanakuphulukana nanto kuphela ngamatyathanga oxhatshazo
ababopheleleke kuwo ubomi babo bonke ngongxowa-nkulu. Ezona njongo
zopolitiko yale mibutho yezokuhlala kukuzisa ezinguqulelo kwakule
nqubo yobungxowa-nkulu, hayi ukuphelisa ulawulo lwezinto zokuphila
kubantu babucala zibeselawulweni lwabahlali bebonke. Kufuneka kubekho
imigaqo eqinileyo ebekwayo ukuze kufumaneke olona tshintsho lululo
ekuhlaleni, ukuthi ukubhukuqa inkqubo yobungxowa-nkulu.
Imibutho yezokuhlala efuna kuphela inguqulelo inganako
ukuthinjwa yaye isetyenziswe ngongxowa-nkulu. Ekungabikhweni komgaqo
wotshintsho le Mibutho Yezokuhlala inokudlala indima yokuchasana
notshintsho ngokukhokela imizabalazo ihlale kwalapha kubungxowa-nkulu.
Ngoku kukho imfazwe eza kweminye imibutho engekho kurhulumente (NGOs)
nakwi Mibutho Yezokuhlala apho ongxowa-nkulu bafuna ukuthenga ukuthula
nokungathath’ icala kwemibutho evelana noluntu neyezenkolo
ngoku zinceda ngezipho zemali. Singabalula icawa, amaphephandaba,
neka gawulayo (TAC), njalo njalo. Kwanga xesha nye lemfazwe yeyoku
chwethela bucala nokunyemba njengabaphuli mthetho yonke imibutho
ezimeleyo neyezokuhlala ngokuthi imisebenzi yayo iyingozi kwi demokrasi.
Amadoda asentloko ekukhupheni iminqathe ngu Thabo Mbeki yena u Mluleki
Goerge uphethe uswazi, kulemeko, olungu Mthetho Wokulwa u Bunqolobi
(Anti-Terrorism Bill). Ngeliphandle bobabini baphethe uswazi.
Ekuqaleni konyaka ka 1980 ngexa imizabalazo yesininzi yayikhula
ingabhungisanga nxa mnye norhulumente kunye nongxowa-nkulu, kwabakho
indyweba yoncedo lwemali engena kwelilizwe. Lo nto yayenzelwa ukuqhuba
ukhondo lomzabalazo ukuba luphelele apha kubungxowa-nkulu. Oku kwenzeka
ngoku xhasa imibutho enjenge UDF [United Democratic Front] leyo
ngoko yayi nokwazi ukunyanzela ezombangazwe ze ANC kwimibutho yabasebenzi.
Eminye imibutho yenziwa ukuba ixhomekeke eluncedweni ngezimali ukwenzela
ngexesha lengxakeko inxaso izokupheliswa yaye inqubela yayo ime.
Le ndyweba yoncedo ngezimali yakhokelela ‘ekuxhomekekeni’
kubasebenzi -ukuba kukho umzabalazo-endaweni yokuxhomekeka emandleni
ethu, inkokheli zabasebenzi zakhangela uncedo ngezimali kumazwe
aphesheya. Lo nto yathatha ikamnva lemizabalazo yethu ezandleni
Imibutho yezokuhlala ingamanyana ngokwahlukeneyo iphakamise
imiba yotshintsho olululo yaye inokumanyana ngokungajikiyo kodwa
ibe nomgaqo omnye, ukulwa ubungxowa-nkulu macala onke. Imibutho
yezokuhlala mayimanyane nabasebenzi abaku COSATU ngenjongo zokuzisa
olona tshintsho ekuhlaleni, yaye ngamxhelo mnye koko, kwakhiwe umbutho
wabasebenzi wotshintsho. Ukuba ezinkokheli zale mibutho yezokuhlala
ziyayikhaba imbono yombutho wabasebenzi wotshitsho ngokuthi akukho
mfuneko yambutho wabasebenzi ukwezela utshintsho olululo eluntwini,
njengokuba ongxowa-nkulu besitsho, ngako oko azifuni tshintsho konke-konke,
kuphela ukudlala ngamandla abantu asele egqitywe kukuthatha intshukumo
(toyi-toying). Ayikho into ekuthiwa kukungahambisani nobungxowa-nkulu
nokungahambisani nobu Soshali kwanga xesha nye, ithethe ukuthi ‘injongo
azibalulekanga kodwa umbutho ubalulekile’. Oku kuthi umzabalazo
uyakujikeleza phakathi kule nqubo ilawulayo, ukuthi kubungxowa-nkulu.
U-Mackinley nabanye bafuna imibutho yezokuhlala ivuleleke
ngokupheleleyo, ukuthi zonke izinto kumntu wonke, ukuthi kungabikho
mgaqo wokulwa ubungxowa-nkulu. Izinjongo okanye ingezo njongo oko
kuyakuwulinganisela umgaqo ukugcina umzabalazo ujikeleze kwalapha
kubungxowa-nkulu. I-SMI ke ngoko iyakudlala indima engumqobo kutshintsho
olululo, ibe yintlambo yokufela amahashe, yababesakuba ngamalungu
e ANC, SACP nawe COSATU ibakhokelele kukhondo lwenguqulelo. Kungasekeka
ne nto enjenge –MDC okanye umbutho wesininzi wabasebenzi usekeke
kule nto. Umbuzo kengoko uyafuneka: Ingaba akukho sandla songxowa-nkulu
esisebenza ngasese ukuxhasa I –SMI? Ngesaquphe sele kukho
amashumi asithoba amawaka (R90000) akhoyo ukulungiselela inkomfa
ye SMI ezakuba se Ntshona Koloni – ngo Okthobha. Ingaba le
nto iyothusa? Kufuneka sithathe isifundo kwi MDC e Zimbabwe kunye
ne UDF e Mzantsi Afrika, nayo eyayiqale ngabantu abanganelisekanga.
[Bona elinye inqaku lethu nge Zimbabwe ngokuzeleyo nge MDC]
Kukho imfuneko yombutho wabasebenzi ophikisayo. Kuyabonakala
ukuba oku kufuneka kumanyenwe yaye kuqiniswe. Hayi ngendlela ezakuthibaza
imibutho elwa nobungxowa-nkulu, okanye ikhokelelwe kwindlela eya
epalamente. Kodwa ngamxhelo-mnye kule nto kufuneka sakhe umbutho
wotshintsho wabasebenzi ukukhokela ngenene imizabalazo ngaphaya
kwemilinganiselo yaba banganamqolo ye APF, AEC, njalo njalo.
Class On the Rise Without A Revolutionary Leadership [June
The Zimbabwean working class has been fighting a long struggle without
a revolutionary leadership among their ranks. The developing revolutionary
leadership have made serious mistakes that have negatively affected
the struggles there. It is important that the ISOZ [International
Socialist Organization-Zimbabwe] makes a balance sheet of their
history in the MDC so as not to repeat the same errors in future.
The working class struggles have been mostly spontaneous in reaction
to the hardship they have been facing under the yoke of imperialism.
Every time they rise up their leadership put
forward a parliamentary solution to them as means to stop them from
overthrowing the capitalist system. Most of their struggles have
been heroic and have been encouraging to the working classes of
the world. However a lot needs to be clarified about Zimbabwean
political and economic situations.
Firstly the national liberation struggle for independence
The national liberation struggle was led and directed by black nationalist
leadership, who was motivated by its narrow middle class interest
of establishing a black bourgeoisie. All that they “fought”
for was the development of the black nationalist bourgeoisie, which
could only grow at the expense of the working class in Zimbabwe.
The Lancaster House agreement was signed in order to ensure that
the hand over to the black political elite does not undermine the
interests of local capitalists and imperialists. The reconciliation
policy of government was only possible by guaranteeing security
of the properties of the settler colonialists and to stop any meaningful
redress from taking place. It was in the same spirit of reconciliation
and the Lancaster House agreement that the government did not redistribute
land. Mugabe brutally crushed the Ndebele uprisings for land to
show his masters (i.e British capitalists in particular) that he
will defend their interests even if it means killing his own people
The period after the ‘liberation’ struggle
For all this Mugabe was the best cowboy for the imperialists. Once
they realised the extent that Mugabe was prepared to go to in order
to crush the working class struggles, the imperialists praised Zimbabwe
and Mugabe in particular as the best models for Africa. They pumped
more Aid and loans to Zimbabwe to further colonise its economy.
They then enforced Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs), which
allowed them total control over the economy of Zimbabwe. The SAPs
were implemented through the hostile environment of government intimidation
against independent political action. The huge suffering that the
SAPs caused provided an excuse for Mugabe and his economic advisors
to motivate for the further extension of SAPs to bring about the
economic benefits for “all”. The escalating crisis of
SAPs was regarded as temporary shocks, which will turn into opportunities
for the working class in the future.
Getting the feeling that “Sekwanele” (i.e
enough), the Zimbabwean working class spontaneously embarked on
a political struggle against the government. They concluded for
themselves that they have been misled with the type of the government
they have, they unleashed a series of political struggles in the
second half of the 1990s. The government workers such as teachers,
doctors, and nurses took to the streets in 1996 in protest against
the effects of SAPs. Their strike sent shock waves to the trade
union bureaucracy and their leaders, who have been protecting the
Zimbabwe bourgeoisie and imperialism for so long. This treacherous
trade union leadership did all in its power to stop the strike from
becoming a general strike.
It was during this time that there was a growing revolt
among working class against the Zimbabwe government. Realising that
this could threaten very system of exploitation, the middle class,
the trade union leadership, the church, and other elements of the
Zimbabwe bourgeoisie diverted this revolution in the making into
parliamentary party politics. They fooled the Zimbabwean working
class by saying that the problem was Mugabe and ZANU-PF, and not
the capitalist system. They sidetracked the uprisings by putting
forward a parliamentary option, which was the MDC. The working class
support of the MDC formation was a set back for the Zimbabwean working
class. The struggles were now taken off the streets under the pretext
that the MDC should liberate them by taking over the government
through parliamentary elections. What a betrayal!
Since its formation, the MDC has been demobilising
the Zimbabwean working class for the interests of imperialists or
foreign capitalists. It takes a reactionary stance on issues such
as land redistribution, international relations etc and argues for
the opening up of the economy to imperialist plunder and makes all
sorts of appeals to the Western imperialist countries in dealing
with Mugabe. The Zimbabwean working class have lost total control
of the organisation they thought is theirs, the MDC. Their claim
of the MDC is based on the fact that the MDC was formed out of the
strikes by the Zimbabwean working class. In fact it was formed to
stop those strikes from leading to a revolutionary overthrowal of
the system. The trade union leadership channelled all the militancy
and revolutionary strength of the working class towards the support
for the formation of the MDC, and their (mis)leader, Morgan Tsvangarai
was elected the first general secretary. Of course the working class
outside the trade union movement also hoped for the better out of
the MDC. What the working class of Zimbabwe did not understand was
that the MDC was a counter revolutionary movement from the start.
This was due to its programme and policies being limited to the
capitalist framework and putting its faith in the bourgeois parliamentary
process. Beware South African working class of non-class movements
such as the current SMI!
As long as capitalism continue to exploit the Zimbabwean
working class to such an unprecedented scale such as now under the
ESAPs and the boot of imperialism, the Zimbabwean working class
will continue to put the pressure on their sell out leaders and
organisations. The recent week of demonstration to “unseat
Mugabe” came against the advice of Thabo Mbeki and Nigeria’s
Obasanjo, desperately attempting to try and cool off the ever steaming
working class by “bringing the two sides together” and
with Mugabe announcing his willingness to step down as the country’s
leader. Since the demands of the Zimbabwean working class have been
reduced to the demands to unseat Mugabe and to have the MDC in government,
the week of mass action could not have met the needs and aspirations
of the masses. In fact the week of action was called for the working
class to blow off steam and for the MDC to maintain their leadership
of the struggle in order to side track and defeat it. The entire
revolt was directed to the middle class aims of the MDC, namely
to get it into power so that they can be the new servant for imperialism.
The bourgeoisie must be shocked from the extent of the revolt of
the masses. Luckily for the bourgeoisie, they had the MDC to control
the masses. The Zimbabwean working class will stop at nothing but
at satisfying their material needs which is far beyond the demands
of the MDC and trade union bureaucrats. What the working class lack
is a determined and resolute revolutionary leadership that is capable
of leading a revolutionary overthrow of the capitalist system.
The call for the week of mass action in June was no
contradiction from the side of the MDC as the bourgeiosie analysts
said. It is the direct reflection of the state of the Zimbabwean
working class who is spontaneously rising against the coming sell
out deal to be made by ZANU-PF and MDC. The MDC and Tsvangarai had
to adapt to the level of the working class to try and regain control
over the situation that was fast developing into a state of revolution.
Should the working class rise to revolt, the MDC would have been
faced with having to choose to side with Mugabe in crushing the
working class or stand on the sideline. Both options would have
cost the MDC enormous support that it is currently enjoying among
the industrial working class.
This would jeopardise the quest for Tsvangarai and
the MDC to get to power as they rely on the working class support
to get the political power they need. The support the week of mass
action was nothing more than an attempt by the MDC to manage the
situation that could have turned against it. It is not the intention
of the MDC to remove Mugabe through revolutionary means. One must
have observed that the week of action was not politically prepared
for. The MDC knew through its own experience that it could not have
called for mass action to topple Mugabe without preparing for measures
to counter state violence. They exposed the workers deliberately
in that process hoping that they will become tired and disillusioned.
In other words the MDC assisted Mugabe in crushing the Zimbabwean
working class during the week of mass action by not preparing for
the protection from the state orchestrated violence of those who
participated in the action. By the end of the week Tsvangarai was
no longer talking of toppling the government but of negotiations
and already giving in compromises.
What the MDC and ZCTU leadership are doing is what
the COSATU leadership and SACP and SMI are doing in South Africa-
that is, their role is to rechannel the working class anger to be
limited to the capitalist framework. They are the real policemen
and women of capital. In the case of the SMI, the majority of the
members and supporters are not even aware of this.
We understand that Mugabe has been doing a good job
for the imperialists at the moment as far as his control over the
Zimbabwean working class since 1980. Imperialism’s problem
is the might of the working class in Zimbabwe and that in recent
years Mugabe and the Zanu-PF have increasingly been unable to continue
their stranglehold - there is no guarantee at all that the working
class will be tamed by the MDC in power. It is this might of the
working class that forced the rhetoric from Mugabe. The rhetoric
‘against imperialism’, for land ‘redistribution’,
and for “championing” the cause of the Zimbabwean people.
Without this rhetoric ZANU-PF would have been out of power in the
last five years or so.
The challenge falls heavily on ISOZ to put up a fight
for the independence of the working class from the treacherous leadership
of the MDC and the trade unions. As part of this the ISOZ should
be bold enough to publicly admit their errors in entering the MDC,
which had helped create illusions that a ‘reformed’
MDC would lead the Zimbabwe working class to liberation. At no stage
could the MDC programme ever have been a platform for the advance
to Socialism. The ISOZ had been fooled by the appearance of the
MDC which on the surface seemed to be coming from within the workers’
The fact that the RDP came from Cosatu did not mean
that it’s role was revolutionary. In fact, having the cover
of coming from within the workers’ movement gave its counter-revolutionary
aims legitimacy in the eyes of the working class. We must not ignore
the possibility that imperialism calculated that Mugabe was no longer
doing the job and that they needed to prepare a successor. It is
likely, in our eyes that imperialism could have initiated a move
from within the ZCTU, whose leaders were by no means Socialist,
to set the MDC in motion. Imperialism has been known to back several
horses and to ignore this possibility is the height of naivety.
The balance sheet by the ISOZ is also important due to similar possibilities
in SA, through the SMI. In fact this is the duty of the ISOZ to
the international working class.
The project to build an independent revolutionary
working class party in Zimbabwe is posed right now. This revolutionary
working class party needs to develop within the working class right
now while it is still actively seeking alternatives. We must warn
the Zimbabwean working class against seeking parliamentary solutions
and emphasise the might of its action as a class. This parliamentary
illusion was created by the formation of the MDC and holds similar
dangers for the South African working class. The current movement
for constitutional changes is no different from seeking a parliamentary
solution. It is the same counter revolutionary measure. The revolutionaries
in Southern Africa must start taking active steps in assisting the
revolutionaries and working class in Zimbabwe in their revolutionary
project. The working class in Britain, and US in particular must
be actively engaged in giving solidarity in action to the Zimbabwean
working class. Of most importance is the raising of consciousness
to the level of realising the necessity for the building of the
revolutionary party in taking forward their struggles. Let us rise
to the occasion and not leave the heroic struggles of the Zimbabwean
working class to be led into a dead-end.
Forward to the rebuilding of the Fourth International!
Forward to Socialism!